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Abuse in Australia
– Gender &
Interlocking Oppressions
This essay provides a brief overview of the social
problem of sexual abuse in Australia from different perspectives. The purpose of this essay is to
understand the diversity of experiences as they relate to social
problems, and the implications of diversity and difference for social
policy. The implications of
such competing social discourses and how they contribute to and impact
on social policy and social work practice will be explored.
Child
Abuse
Child sexual abuse is a major social phenomenon that
is deeply rooted in cultural, economic and social practices
worldwide. UNICEF, the
United Nations Children’s Fund provides a global estimate of one
million children, mainly girls, being forced into the multi-billion
dollar commercial sex trade every year. The exploitation of children
through prostitution, pornography and ‘sex tourism’ is a
growing form of commercialised violence, with girls as main victims
(UNICEF 2001).
In Australia
many children and young people experience sexual abuse. Recent research undertaken by
the National Crime Prevention, Young Australians and Domestic Violence
(2001) report (as cited in Mulroney 2003) found that up to a quarter of
young people aged between 12-20 years old had witnessed domestic
violence and that in 60% of families where there is domestic violence,
child abuse was also present.
A number of studies have examined the extent and
prevalence of child abuse in Australia. In the Northern Territory from 1999-2000
almost 1,800 children experienced family violence of which 10 percent
of the children experienced sexual abuse (Mulroney 2003). In Victoria in 1993 domestic violence
occurred in 40% of the sexual abuse cases and in 50% of the physical
abuse cases (ibid). Each
year in Australia,
more than 20,000 women seek shelter in women's refuges and take out
protection orders and the number of children that access refuge
services equal more than four times that figure (Alexander 1993).
The Australian Bureau of Statistics (2003) has
collected substantial information that shows that the social and
economic costs of sexual abuse are expansive. With the breakdown of familial
relationships caused by domestic violence extra burdens are placed on
society and more resources are required to provide support and
education programs for children, young people and adults affected by
sexual abuse, both victims and offenders alike (ibid).
The ABS (2003) figures on sexual violence shows that
additional burdens are placed on society. The Australian judicial system
takes on the extra strain of dealing with family violence and sexual
abuse criminal and legal matters.
There are also additional requirements for housing, welfare and
benefits, employment, health, and child care. People may no longer be able to
work or pursue education as a result of their experiences (Mugford
1989).
At a personal level the cost to victims/survivors of
sexual abuse has a considerable body of evidence that shows that the
cost to individuals is enormous.
Children lose the opportunity to move through developmental
milestones to adulthood and have lost any understanding of what
constitutes safe, healthy relationships between adults and children
(Regan 2001). The effects
resulting from the abuse children experienced were long lasting and
required some level of professional intervention (ibid). Victims of violent crimes also
experience the long term emotional costs of loss of self-esteem, depression,
fear and mistrust (CASA 2004).
Non-offending parents or guardians of children who are sexually
abused often say that they feel they are to blame and feel remorse and
shame (Mugford 1989).
The individual and social impact of child sexual
abuse leads to many differing experiences and perspectives. Children, young people and women
can be further disadvantaged by ‘interlocking oppressions’
(Yeatman 1995, p.42).
Disadvantage or oppression may be further complicated when
people have “several
‘identity categories’ such as being black and female with a
disability” (Deakin University ASK316 Unit Guide 2004, p.16).
Oppression
and sexual violence
Oppression occurs as a social relationship where a
dominant group (or groups) subordinate and exploit other groups
politically economically, socially and culturally (Mullaly 2002;
Yeatman 1995). Contemporary
social movements such as feminist and anti-racist or anti-oppressive
movements interpret how this notion of a complicated interaction of
categories or ‘interlocking oppressions’ mutually determine
one another and affect their members (Yeatman 1995).
In her description of the modern
politico–ethical terrain of ‘oppression,’ Yeatman
(1995) argues that in order to be oppressed there needs to be a
consciousness of being oppressed and secondly, a sense or knowledge
that things could be different.
Structurally, the condition of oppression has to contradict or
violate core values which are widely accepted (ibid). For example, the introduction of
the ‘pill’ in the 1960’s presented women with options
around birth control. It is
very hard for contemporary Australian women in 2004 to imagine a world
without that choice.
Sexual violence is a gendered crime and amongst
adults it is primarily women that are victimised (ABS 1996). As outlined previously the issue
of sexual abuse for women is further complicated by membership to
different ‘sub-groups’ for example, race, ethnicity,
culture, age, class, income (Yeatman 1995). The concept of interlocking
oppressions is relevant in gaining greater knowledge about the social
problem of sexual abuse in Australia. Understanding how individual
experiences may be shared or different from other members leads to
diverse ways of interpreting the impact of sexual violence and
determining approaches for dealing with the issue (ibid).
Although a group of women may share having
experienced sexual abuse, how they define their experience or respond
is diverse. For example,
Aboriginal women experience violence at far higher rates than
non-Aboriginal women (Mulroney 2003). According to Ferrante et al
(1996) Aboriginal women living in rural areas were 45 times more likely
to be victims of domestic violence than non-Aboriginal women and 1.5
times more likely to experience violence than other Aboriginal women
living in metropolitan areas.
These figures highlight the multiple oppressions such as race,
gender, geography, class and income that Aboriginal women experience.
One leading explanation or discourse as to reasons
why Aboriginal women are more vulnerable is that they are further
oppressed by an historical legacy of racial violence through
colonisation (Thomas 2004).
The Australian Report of National Inquiry into
Racist Violence 1991 (as cited in Thomas 2004) gives a brief indication
of the violence used against Aboriginal people:
“The process of colonisation was characterised by small
scale but systematic physical violence… for more than 160
years” and it is estimated that during that time
“approximately 20,000 Aborigines were killed in frontier conflict”
(National Inquiry into Racist Violence in Australia 1991, p.38).
Aboriginal
women
Whilst evidence shows that all Aboriginal people
experienced extremely high levels of racial violence, Aboriginal women
were further disadvantaged because of their gender. An 1899 South Australian Royal
Commission noted there were stations “where every hand on the place had a gin” (Reynolds
1990, p.207 as cited in Thomas 2004). (A gin is a derogatory term that
non-indigenous men use towards Aboriginal women). “Aboriginal women were preyed on by any and every white
man whose whim it was to have a piece of ‘black velvet’
wherever and whenever they pleased” (ibid, p.75). This legacy founded on racial
and sexual discrimination affects Aboriginal women’s experiences and
responses to sexual abuse today (Thomas 2004).
Aboriginal women have identified sexual abuse issues
and barriers which specifically relate to them (Thomas 2004). Generally, Aboriginal women are
not reporting sexual assaults and some factors that contribute to this
are police attitudes and responses. The court system,
lack of culturally-appropriate counselling and support services and the
whole general social lack of understanding of the socio-historical
impact of violence on Aboriginal people all contributed to reasons why
help was not sought (ibid).
The Violence in Indigenous Communities Report (Memmott et al
2001 as cited in Thomas 2004) lists multi-causal factors such as the
loss of land and traditional culture, the disempowerment of traditional
elders, breakdown of community kinship systems and Aboriginal law, and
entrenched poverty and racism.
When institutional structures of dominance intersect
with intimate forms of violence, the result is one of compounding
oppression (Yeatman 1995).
Aboriginal women have the legacy of colonisation, poverty,
devaluation as women and lack of access to services, and the
recognition of their basic human right to be safe from abuse and
violence (Mugford 1989).
Aboriginal
Children
Stanley (2003) reports that figures for Aboriginal
children who experienced some ‘substantiated’ form of abuse
in 2000-2001 were disproportionately higher than non-Aboriginal
children (4.3 times on average) with Victoria and Queensland reaching figures up to 8
times higher. The Gordon
Report (2002) as cited in Stanley
(2003, p.3) states that the rate of child sexual abuse of indigenous
children is significantly greater than non-indigenous children. Western Australian Police
reports confirmed that although the rates of sexual assault reports of
indigenous girls was double that of non indigenous girls only 10% of
sexual assaults were formally reported (ibid). Fear of racism, shame,
reprisals, police response, legal system and terminology and a general
lack of trust of the ‘white system’ were all factors
contributing to low reporting rates of indigenous child sexual abuse
(ibid).
Social, economic and cultural factors contribute to
high rates of child sexual abuse.
Stanley
(2003) purports that the level of violence is so high and common in
some indigenous communities that it is not treated seriously. The legacy of the 'stolen
generation' has impacted on both indigenous and non-indigenous
Australians in that people fear responding and are confused about the
right response (ibid). Rural
communities are much smaller than their urban counterparts and lack of
anonymity, appropriate culturally-determined and appropriate child
protection responses and community services all contribute to the high
rates of family violence and sexual abuse in indigenous communities
(ibid).
Men
Information about the sexual assault of males is
limited. Information
sourced from Victorian Police figures and SECASA (a sexual assault
centre in the South-East region of Melbourne) showed that reporting
figures were low and men were further disadvantaged by stereotypical
negative assumptions that men can defend themselves. Men also have to contend with a
societal myth that men don’t get raped and those that do are “gay”
(SECASA 2004). Men share
feelings of self blame, confusion and loss of self and support for male
victims is extremely limited.
CASA (2004) literature highlights the fact that many sexual
abuse services will only see women.
Perpetrators
of sexual abuse
As with adult male victims there is still a lot
unknown about perpetrators of sexual abuse and some limited information
on the characteristics of male offenders exists (Edwards 2003). Edwards (2003) contends that
prior exposure was a strong predictor of the severity and prevalence of
subsequent violence.
No evidence could be substantiated about a direct
causal link between experiencing sexual abuse as a child leading to
becoming an abusing adult (Edwards 2003). Despite the wide acceptance of
socio-political explanations for domestic violence, most interventions
with men who perpetrate violence in intimate relationships have been
individualised (ibid). When
their review of interventions with men who use violence identified no
interventions addressing the socio-cultural level, Edelson et al (as
cited in Edwards 2003) speculated that “It may be easier and less threatening to society to
target individuals and families for change rather than the norms or
values that are part of an intricate web of social order”
(1989, p. 407).
Theoretical
perspectives
A number of theoretical perspectives and
explanations exist about sexual abuse. An individual or psychological
explanation of child abuse focuses on the individual and his or her
psychological characteristics or childhood experiences. The explanation centres on a
‘typology’ of perpetrators of sexual abuse and that there
is something ‘abnormal’ or ‘criminal’ present
in the individual (Saraga 1995).
Family explanations exist where the focus shifts
away from the individual to relationships between family members and
family events (Saraga 1995).
Family focused interventions sought to combine a systems
approach with feminist ideology to place the issue of child abuse in a
structural societal context (ibid). Economic, social and cultural
factors were taken into account and used to explain the issue of child
abuse.
Feminist analyses further recognised that individual
experiences and behaviour can be understood in terms of the ideologies
and social conditions of femininity and masculinity and acknowledged
that gendered power differentiations exist in relationships (Saraga
1995). Feminist ideology
rests on the beliefs that women are oppressed by ‘sexism’
which is a set of beliefs, practices and institutional structures which
is reinforced by patriarchy (Thompson 2001).
Critical and radical social movements have lead to
the establishment of anti-discriminatory practices that seek to address
the unequal nature of relationships in society (Thompson 2001). Such practices influence social
policy. For example, the
Women’s Safety Strategy (2002) is part of a whole-of-government
approach that recognises the need for a specific strategy to address
violence against women.
This strategy arose as a direct response to anti-discriminatory
and feminist influences (DVIRC 2002).
Social
Policy and Discourse
Social policy is an area that reflects the diverse
ideological nature of Australian society. Social discourses influence and
contribute to the changing nature of society. Yeatman (1995) explains how
contemporary social movements work to overcome oppression of people in
their membership and how these culturally determined
‘discourses’ occur within a historical context. Social policies are usually
based on conflicting principles of which some may work together, for
example feminists and conservatives may combine to support a policy to
restrict or ban the use of pornography (Blakemore 2003). Competing principles act as signposts
that influence new developments in social policy (ibid). There is no one universal
reality but many realities and social discourse largely reflects the
interests and world views of dominants groups of the day (Mullaly
2002).
The political system is another arena where dominant
discourses or social theories can be evidenced. In Australia the Liberal party
and new right tenets form the majority of the newly-elected
government. The new right
presents a conservative, free market-determined, consumer paying
economy with government providing minimal intervention (Gamble
1988). The new right
libertarian approach includes policies which reflect individual
responsibility and free enterprise based on assumptions that everyone
in society has equal opportunities and access to resources (ibid). A secondary aspect of the new
right approach supports the notion of ‘traditional family
values’ with father as the head of the household and mother the
main caregiver which supports “the
continuing dominance of traditional British cultural traditions and
values” (Deakin
University Critical Social Policy Guide 2004 Topic 3, p.3).
The discourse of social democracy advocates state
intervention, citizenship and integration components to how society
functions (Deakin University Critical Social Policy Guide 2004, Topic
3). State intervention
serves to regulate the economy in times of prosperity in order to
ensure a healthy state in times of economic downturn. The major difference with social
democracy is that it is the government’s role through policy to
ensure the welfare of its citizens (ibid).
Current policies are a direct result of economic
rationalist reform and restructuring of primary health and welfare
services undertaken in the late 1990’s (Dalton et al 1996). A health and welfare model was
established where the Government purchased services on behalf of
consumers with a focus on a centralised coordinated service delivery
based on outcomes, cost effectiveness and resource efficiency
(ibid).
Social policy addresses both similarities and
differences in relation to responding to the social problem of sexual
abuse. Blakemore (2003)
argues that there is rarely any clear single principle underlying any
policy or welfare system.
He suggests that social policies are usually based on
conflicting principles.
This is evidenced in the policies which seek to address ways of
reducing family violence.
For example, the Women's Safety Strategy (2002) provides a
co-ordinated approach to reducing violence against women and is currently
pursuing an initiative to develop a framework for Government to include
for the provisions of men who perpetrate domestic violence.
It is important for social policy and social work
practice to understand how experiences of problems may be shared and
different. Issues of family
violence, child abuse and sexual abuse are of concern to many people
around the world. The
notion of what is acceptable behaviour is complicated by cultural
determinants which occur in a socio-historical context and change as
social norms evolve (WHO 2002).
The World Health Organisation’s World Report on Violence
(2002) maintains that violence is largely ignored as a health issue
because there is no clear definition and argues that violence is
therefore difficult to address globally.
There is also no clear worldwide definition of what
constitutes child abuse although there is agreement being sought
through the United Nations International Convention on the Rights of
The Child (CRS) which 194 countries, including Australia,
are signatories (United Nations CRC 2004). Any policies which seek to
address sexual abuse in any meaningful way will need to provide
appropriate resources and legislate against violence in all forms.
Social Workers and
Anti-Oppressive / Anti-Discriminatory Role in Society
Social work seeks to address issues of oppression and
discrimination and requires an understanding of how complex
multi-layered, competing social discourses influence social
change. “Domination is structural, yet
also personally experienced” and requires a critical approach
(Fook 2002, p.17). As there
are no clear national or international definitions of what constitutes
child abuse Social workers are even more heavily reliant on their own
understandings and theoretical interpretations. As Fook (2002) highlights, effective
social work practice requires a ‘reflective’ approach which
‘critiques’ the multi-faceted impact of structural
domination on people’s lived experiences.
Mullaly (2002) examines the personal, cultural, and structural
levels of oppression. He
demonstrates how and why social workers should approach those who
experience social problems based on an imposed inferior type of
citizenship (gender, age, disabilities, colour, and sexuality) with a
broader and deeper understanding of the dynamics and various forms of
oppression. Mullaly (2002)
outlines the reasons why social workers need to join with marginalised
people to confront oppression by dealing with their own professional
fatalism and elitism as well as the despair of oppressed peoples. Thompson (2001) also supports
the view that acknowledgement and understanding of structural
oppression underpins effective anti-discriminatory practice.
Fook (2002) advocates that social workers are required to
practice “in ways which
further a society without domination, exploitation and
oppression” (ibid, p.18). This is only possible if social
work practitioners gain greater understanding of the diverse and
competing nature of social ideologies and dominant social discourses
and how they influence and contribute to social policies.
Liz Harris,
Adv.DipFamTh,
BSW (Dist), Dip.CommStuds(CD).
October 2004
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